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The Well-Kept Secret of Clean Elections

Draft Report to the New Jersey Citizens' Clean Election Commission

Submitted by:

Dr. Peter Woolley, Fairleigh Dickinson University

Dr. Tim Vercellotti, Rutgers University

Nov. 21, 2005

Introduction

This report summarizes the results of three surveys designed to measure public attitudes about campaign finance reform in general and the Clean Elections Program in particular. Fairleigh Dickinson University, through its PublicMind Poll, conducted two statewide surveys of voters in late September and early November. In late October the Eagleton Center for Public Interest Polling at Rutgers University polled voters in the 6th and 13th Assembly districts, the two districts that were designated for participation in the Clean Elections pilot project.

The Fairleigh Dickinson surveys were designed to measure changes in awareness of the Clean Elections program, as well as attitudes about public financing of legislative campaigns, from late September to early November. The aim of the Eagleton survey was to measure whether awareness of the Clean Elections pilot project was higher in the targeted districts than in the rest of the state, and whether attitudes about public financing of legislative campaigns differed in the targeted districts compared to the rest of the state.

Statewide Surveys

Fairleigh Dickinson University's PublicMind conducted two statewide voter surveys in New Jersey, posing a series of 10 questions related to the state's experimental Clean Elections legislation.  The surveys intended to measure voters' knowledge of the legislation as well as their involvement in and attitudes towards the Assembly races in the district where they live. The surveys also intended to measure any changes in voter attitudes over the course of the fall campaign.  Both surveys were conducted by telephone using random-digit dialing (RDD). The first of the surveys was conducted from September 21 through September 26 with a randomly selected sample of 596 likely voters statewide. The second, a follow-up survey, was conducted from October 28 to Nov. 2 with a randomly selected sample of 355 likely voters. Both surveys were meant to serve as a baseline, or control, against the survey conducted in the two Assembly districts to which the experimental legislation applied. The costs of the two surveys were underwritten in part by the New Jersey Chamber of Commerce and in part by Fairleigh Dickinson University.

September Statewide Survey

Topline results for the September survey were:

November Statewide Survey

Results of the November survey differed little or not at all from the September survey despite respondents reporting that they had been exposed to some campaign advertising.

Late October Survey in the Clean Elections Districts

The Eagleton Center for Public Interest Polling at Rutgers University asked the same questions of a random sample of 500 registered voters in the two Clean Elections pilot districts – Assembly districts 6 and 13 – October 24 through October 31. (Although only one pair of candidates qualified for Clean Elections funding in the 6th District, and no one qualified in the 13th District, Eagleton opted to study both districts because of the publicity surrounding the initiative in both districts.)  The survey was conducted by telephone and respondents were selected at random from a list of voters in each district obtained from Camden County (which encompasses the 6th District) and Middlesex and Monmouth counties (which encompass the 13th District). The sample consisted of 250 voters in each district. The sample in the 13th District was a quota sample so that the proportion of voters participating in the survey from Middlesex and Monmouth counties reflected the distribution of voters from those counties in the 13th District.  The cost of the survey was underwritten in part by the Fund for New Jersey and in part by the Eagleton Institute of Politics at Rutgers University.

Topline results from the district-level survey were:[1]

Conclusions

The only measure which appears to have changed significantly from the September statewide survey to the November statewide survey is the percentage of voters who had heard or read something about the Assembly race in their district.  By November 36% said they had heard some or quite a lot about their Assembly race, compared to just 18% in September.

However, even if the percentage of voters who had heard about their assembly race doubled from September to November, the percentage who had heard about the Clean Election legislation remained essentially unchanged at the state level. Likewise, measures of voters' trust in the legislature, as well as measures of concern about the influence of big money, were unchanged in the course of the campaign.

The attempt to measure voters' attitudes toward public financing may have been unsuccessful. It is not clear that respondents had thought much about the public financing of elections. The overall response in both statewide surveys was bland, with about half (49%) venturing that they were “somewhat” confident  that public financing could help reduce the influence of large donors on the legislative process.  Only 6% said they were very confident. Nearly 40% said they had no confidence public financing would work.  There were no significant differences in the responses of Republicans and Democrats or in the responses of conservatives and liberals.  Nor were there any differences in the responses based on race or age.

Likewise, the attempt to measure voters' perceptions of whether their Assembly campaign focused more on issues or more on the personalities of the candidates may have been unsuccessful. Most voters, even late in the race, heard or read little or nothing about the Assembly race and were, thus, unlikely to be able to judge whether the race focused more on personalities or more on issues.  Even late in the race more than a quarter of respondents did not venture an opinion on this question.

At the district level, the data suggest that the Clean Elections project had no effect on public attitudes toward public financing of campaigns or trust in government. Attitudes in those areas did not differ markedly from opinions expressed in the statewide surveys.

Awareness of the Clean Elections initiative was a little higher in the targeted districts than it was in the rest of the state, but this is not surprising given the probability that media coverage of Clean Elections was higher in the districts than elsewhere in the state.  And still, the extent of public awareness, even in the targeted districts, appears to have been quite limited. While voters in the targeted districts were more likely than statewide voters to say they had heard of the Clean Elections project, more than two-thirds of voters in the targeted districts said they did not know whether their district was part of the initiative.

There is no evidence in the study to suggest that the Clean Elections legislation had any effect on voters' attitudes either statewide or in the two Assembly districts to which the legislation applied. There is no evidence, either statewide or in the two Assembly districts, that there was increased trust in the legislature, or increased interest in the Assembly races, or increased knowledge of the candidates, or optimism about the results of public financing.

 

 

Contacts:

Peter Woolley (PublicMind) 973.670.3239

or

Tim Vercellotti, Assistant Director (Eagleton Center for Public Interest Polling ) 732-932-9384, ext. 285

For more information, please call (201) 692-7032.

Copyright © 2005, Fairleigh Dickinson University. All rights reserved. FDU PublicMind Poll [Latest update 051121]